The role of Clean Hands: so the left prepared the rise to power with a pact with the prosecutors


The judge is naked. The judiciary is experiencing a sort of nemesis in history. It is no longer a sacred power. Dignity is dimming, authority is losing weight. This is what has already happened to the parties, to the Palace, to politics. You see them as they are, without crown and without scepter. Close. Wiretapping creates this effect. Desecrate. They undress you, reveal you, put you in the square and show the background of power. When this happens the hands never appear clean. It is not a question of guilt or innocence, but of how you tell what happens. This is precisely the nemesis.

The Clean Hands investigation leaves a question open. Was it by chance or was there a canvas or a script behind it? The political consequences are known: the Republic of the old parties wiped out. An earthquake, with the first shock that comes with the arrest of Mario Chiesa on February 17, 1992, on a Monday. Except that someone already knew how the story would unfold. He had bet on it, a real all inn, as visionaries or cheaters. They had staked everything on the robe revolution. Only the ending does not come true: the Berlusconi anomaly messes up the cards.

This is what Fabio Martini tells in some pages of Controvento, the true story of Bettino Craxi (Rubettino). The PCI is no longer there. The name was buried after the fall of the Berlin wall. The rest, however, survived, the communist party has only changed the banner, now it calls itself PDS and in reality is not doing very well. History blows against him. Occhetto and his management team are scrambling to understand how to survive. The only way seems to be to find shelter under the socialist comrades, led by a character whom many of them consider a brigand, the antithesis of Berlinguer. Occhetto speaks openly of a united party of the left. Bettino is already opening the doors. The difficulties are many, but for months it seems the only way. Then nothing is done. It is November 1991, three months before Tangentopoli. Here is what Martini. «Gerardo Chiaromonte (one of the former communists who kept a direct and constant channel with Craxi) is received in via del Corso and after the preliminaries he goes to the point and reveals: know that we had a meeting reserved for Botteghe Oscure and the line, of Napolitano and mine, the dialogue with you has been defeated and that of the judicial option has prevailed. Chiaromonte exits, Giusi La Ganga enters, Craxi reports to him and asks: what did Gerardo mean? How do they adopt a judicial line? Years later, he will tell De Michelis: nobody paid any attention to it. We had not understood that the PDS knew something more and was preparing to cash in. ”

D’Alema recounts: «We were like a great Indian nation, closed in the mountains and only one way out, a canyon, and there was Craxi. How to get out of that canyon? ». This something more is the red thread that, from then until today, marks the relationship between politics and justice. The “party of judges” is not the judiciary. It’s a mission. It is the idea that politics must not only be saved from its sins, but needs “priests” who play a role as moral guarantors. The same democracy in Italy should not be left to the instincts of the voters. It is clearly not a program. It’s a feeling. It is the vision of who feels on the right side of the story. It is distrust of Italians. Except now the judge is naked. Who controlled the controllers? Nobody. And this is a problem that can no longer be ignored.

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