Interpretive furrow of international chaos post cold war that D’Alema poses in its entirety showing that thelifeline of the current situation among leading countries in the economy is the good old People’s Republic of China. Virus communicated in time or not, D’Alema, in a long and articulated introduction updated to the latest pandemic events, in which he exercises the ancient virtue of organic analysis from the old PCI (to read the detail you need the explanation of the everything) enhances the necessary and convinced dialogue with the government of Xi Jiping: “In this book it is argued that China is unable to represent alone the new center of the world order; but also that without dialogue with China, a new order, inevitably multilateral and polycentric, it cannot be born. ” Apparently rhetorical phrase, interchangeable with other national pawns (without dialogue with USA is Russia, for example, despite everything 30 years after the Fall of the Wall, you’re not going anywhere), which however takes on a diachronic perspective: only fifteen years ago at the time of the center-left governments all this sinofilia it was still firewood in the fireplace of an uncertain tomorrow.
D’Alema to get to illustrate the Chinese virtues starts from an important basic assumption closer to us: theliberal world order is in crisis, but not for external events, but for internal settlements. This is the increasingly popular smash of “neoliberal” ideological system that D’Alema exposes to the public playfulness by hypothetically dialoguing more with Stefano Fassina or Carlo Formenti that with the minister of the Democratic Party Roberto Gualtieri. The old order dies, explains the former secretary of the PDS and a new one fails to be born, so here is the Gramscian “interregnum“.
Let’s take a step back because at least in the introductory part, flashes of sovereign understanding seem to glimmer, but immediately dormant and not transformed into anti-Europeanism. “The neoliberal hegemony has made the more liquid society, but also more fragile and precarious“,” Imposed the primacy of the economy and of finance about politics “which translated into European money means how the market economy and”austerity“Tax by institutional community routes” ha welfare weakened” and the sense of community, which China still owns. Be careful, if on one hand D’Alema sinks the knife even against German ordoliberalism (the action of Chancellor Merkel is renamed merchiavellismo, in honor of the famous Florentine thinker and a cynical raison d’état), we are not, however, from the parts of the twentieth-century communist revolution: “There is no viable capitalism without a strong public services system“. But just when it seems that Dalemian criticism becomes one Sturm und Drang against the Teutonic heterodirection of those European institutions that do not work (“the European Central Bank does not have growth and jobs as its objectives”), here the anti-system criticism returns to the existing bed: “I continue to think that the reason for the bottom of the European impasse does not lie in the conflict between community ties and national sovereignty. What needs to be changed radically is the political approach and I would like to say cultural of the choices of the Union, expression of a single liberal thought which was imposed as a kind of technical-scientific truth to which there are no alternatives ”. In short, it’s time to go back to Keynesian economic policies.
But there is no time to delve into the how and when of this socialist yearning lost in the mists of what D’Alema defines, on page 58, a “reformism“Which is actually a”counterreformation“:” This new culture has also imposed itself in language, in the sense that the progressive reduction of social protections produced by post-war reforms has been called ‘reformism‘; in the sense that neoliberal thought he also took over words and concepts that belonged to social democratic tradition. There counterreformation defined itself as ‘reformism’ and helped generate a huge one social insecurity. it is the malaise that runs through our societies that weakens the role of the western world “.
Here we are again: West weakened, China is closer. No magic, but a lot of analysis from realpolitik as taught in the faculties of political science. Open field where D’Alema still excels with brilliance and sagacity, often seasoned by personal anecdotes related to meetings with great heads of state and weaving threads of world history, in the manner of great statesmen. The ex-prime minister explains that the world scenario facing us is that of a plural world, where there is no longer the domination of a single nation over an area of influence, or a clash between two superpowers and their divisions of the pre 1989 world. Many players on the international chessboard, each with its own peculiarities and weaknesses. The United States of Trump (to which the harsh opening of the first chapter with thekilling of Soleimani) and the old woman Russia putiniana, but also the Turkey of Erdogan and the current Iran nuclearized. Finally, obviously the China.
So if on the one hand Putin is not described as a mad despot – his nationalism, explains D’Alema, is “authentic and intense”, Quoting the kiss of the sacred relics of San Nicola in Bari, in private in front of him -, here is the young man Maximum, Fgci secretary at the end of the seventies on a trip to Beijing, even before the famous Craxian socialist incursions which caused a scandal after the monologue of Beppe Grillo. The Dalemian adoration of the Confucian “harmony” does not seem to sound as authentic as the saint’s Putin kiss, but anyway, the second part of chapter five of this agile volume is a bignami from the last fifty years of Chinese history, amidst an explosion in investments in Africa and technological competition with the United States, with an exaltation of the “modernization” of China that clashes with the criticism in the pages preceding the European and Trumpian “nationalisms”: “Deng Xiaoping put that great country back into motion in the sign of a process, which gradually became impetuous, of modern transformation and of development. This great goal was achieved on the basis of a new model that combined the dynamism of the market economy with the primacy of politics and the state and with the authoritarian government by the single party. This model has established itself not without conflict ”. The clashes of Tiananmen Square, for example, or all the suppressions of individual freedoms or those linked to civil and religious traditions, which D’Alema mentions but which seem to be accidents along the way, a bit of a hindrance in the modernizing momentum highlighted by the single-party Chinese regime.
This is the substance of Great is the confusion under the sky, an essay that has its climax in the chapter that D’Alema dedicates to Mediterranean a al Middle East. Few pages that work as an abc about conflicts in Syria and in Libya better than any wikipedia screen, and reopen the infinite historical glimpse of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the failure to grant the creation of a Palestinian state. Perennially open humanitarian and political wound that according to the author remains still crucial for the destinies of peace in the world. The secret of right mediation and a near success, recalls D’Alema, which reached its peak in February 1997 in Rome, during theInternational Socialist, chaired by the then secretary of the PDS and in which they participated Arafat is Shimon For example. Poignant passage, which recalls the great international socialist family of the twentieth century, transversal beyond all nationalism, but now canceled by the prevailing neoliberalism: “When Arafat arrived, the word was given to Shimon Peres so that he would welcome him. it was a very nice speech in which Peres at one point said: ‘In the negotiations with the Palestinians we have always had a problem. We didn’t know how to call Yasser Arafat. The Palestinians demanded that we call him rais, president, but we didn’t want to recognize him as such. Now the problem is solved: from now on I will call you partner“.